TOKYO – In the summer of 2007,
addressing the Central Hall of the Indian Parliament as Japan’s prime
minister, I spoke of the “Confluence of the Two Seas” – a phrase
that I drew from the title of a book written by the Mughal prince Dara Shikoh
in 1655 – to the applause and stomping approval of the assembled lawmakers.
In the five years since then, I have become even more strongly convinced that
what I said was correct.
Illustration by Steve
Ansul
CommentsPeace,
stability, and freedom of navigation in the Pacific Ocean are inseparable
from peace, stability, and freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean.
Developments affecting each are more closely connected than ever. Japan, as
one of the oldest sea-faring democracies in Asia, should play a greater role
in preserving the common good in both regions.
CommentsYet,
increasingly, the South China Sea seems set to become a “Lake Beijing,” which
analysts say will be to China what the Sea of Okhotsk was to Soviet Russia: a
sea deep enough for the People’s Liberation Army’s navy to base their
nuclear-powered attack submarines, capable of launching missiles with nuclear
warheads. Soon, the PLA Navy’s newly built aircraft carrier will be a common
sight – more than sufficient to scare China’s neighbors.
CommentsThat
is why Japan must not yield to the Chinese government’s daily exercises in
coercion around the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea. True, only Chinese
law-enforcement vessels with light weaponry, not PLA Navy ships, have entered
Japan’s contiguous and territorial waters. But this “gentler” touch should
fool no one. By making these boats’ presence appear ordinary, China seeks to
establish its jurisdiction in the waters surrounding the islands as a fait
accompli.
CommentsIf
Japan were to yield, the South China Sea would become even more fortified.
Freedom of navigation, vital for trading countries such as Japan and South
Korea, would be seriously hindered. The naval assets of the United States, in
addition to those of Japan, would find it difficult to enter the entire area,
though the majority of the two China seas is international water.
CommentsAnxious
that such a development could arise, I spoke in India of the need for the
Indian and Japanese governments to join together to shoulder more
responsibility as guardians of navigational freedom across the Pacific and
Indian oceans. I must confess that I failed to anticipate that China’s naval
and territorial expansion would advance at the pace that it has since
2007.
CommentsThe
ongoing disputes in the East China Sea and the South China Sea mean that
Japan’s top foreign-policy priority must be to expand the country’s strategic
horizons. Japan is a mature maritime democracy, and its choice of close
partners should reflect that fact. I envisage a strategy whereby Australia,
India, Japan, and the US state of Hawaii form a diamond to safeguard the
maritime commons stretching from the Indian Ocean region to the western
Pacific. I am prepared to invest, to the greatest possible extent, Japan’s
capabilities in this security diamond.
CommentsMy
opponents in the Democratic Party of Japan deserve credit for continuing
along the path that I laid out in 2007; that is to say, they have sought to
strengthen ties with Australia and India.
CommentsOf
the two countries, India – a resident power in East Asia, with the Andaman
and Nicobar Islands sitting at the western end of the Strait of Malacca
(through which some 40% of world trade passes) – deserves greater emphasis.
Japan is now engaged in regular bilateral service-to-service military
dialogues with India, and has embarked on official trilateral talks that
include the US. And India’s government has shown its political savvy by
forging an agreement to provide Japan with rare earth minerals – a vital
component in many manufacturing processes – after China chose to use its
supplies of rare earths as a diplomatic stick.
CommentsI
would also invite Britain and France to stage a comeback in terms of
participating in strengthening Asia’s security. The sea-faring democracies
in Japan’s part of the world would be much better off with their renewed
presence. The United Kingdom still finds value in the Five Power Defense
Arrangements with Malaysia, Singapore, Australia, and New Zealand. I want
Japan to join this group, gather annually for talks with its members, and
participate with them in small-sized military drills. Meanwhile, France’s
Pacific Fleet in Tahiti operates on a minimal budget but could well punch
above its weight.
CommentsThat
said, nothing is more important for Japan than to reinvest in its alliance
with the US. In a period of American strategic rebalancing toward the
Asia-Pacific region, the US needs Japan as much as Japan needs the US.
Immediately after Japan’s earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disaster in 2011,
the US military provided for Japan the largest peacetime humanitarian relief
operation ever mounted – powerful evidence that the 60-year bond that the
treaty allies have nurtured is real. Deprived of its time-honored ties with
America, Japan could play only a reduced regional and global role.
CommentsI,
for one, admit that Japan’s relationship with its biggest neighbor, China, is
vital to the well-being of many Japanese. Yet, to improve Sino-Japanese
relations, Japan must first anchor its ties on the other side of the Pacific;
for, at the end of the day, Japan’s diplomacy must always be rooted in
democracy, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. These universal
values have guided Japan’s postwar development. I firmly believe that, in 2013
and beyond, the Asia-Pacific region’s future prosperity should rest on them
as well.
CommentsShinzo
Abe is Prime Minister of Japan and President of the Liberal Democratic Party.
He wrote this article in mid November, before Japan’s
elections.
瓢平 様。
安倍首相の論稿を虚心に読めば、軍事同盟等を目的にしたもので無いことは明らかです。 これは、海洋の安全確保を目的にしたインド洋から東南アジア、そして極東に至る海洋の安全を目的にした諸国の結束を図るのが目的です。
中国の軍事力を背景にした理不尽な要求には、一国では対抗が出来なくても、国際的な枠組みでは、同盟国の無い中国では、対抗が出来ません。 現在では、軍事力があっても、大義名分が無くて他国に侵攻しては、国際社会から孤立します。 東京大学の藤原帰一教授が提言されていた手法です。
http://pari.u-tokyo.ac.jp/column/column64.html
「尖閣問題への向き合い方―「安全通航」軸に連携」 法学政治学研究科教授 藤原帰一
8/22、2012 東京大学政策ビジョン研究センター
政権交代後に、海上保安庁では、「しきしま」型の大型巡視船が進水しました。 「あきつしま」です。 同型船は、後二隻が建造されるそうです。 軍事力より、海上保安が重視されるのが文明の進歩でしょうか。 中国の、軍事力で、何でも叶う、と云わんばかりのごり押しは、最早通じる世界では無いのでしょう。
投稿 とら猫イーチ | 2013-01-25 22:57
ANN News
「残念の一言」"悲報"から一夜、日揮社員は・・・(13/01/22)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NjQa0bDuju0
ビデオの0:25から出てくる日揮の社員(CIAの役者)に注目!
CIA役者の右ななめ前に台本がありヘタクソな棒読みをしています。
日揮社員は...
「治安が心配な国の建設現場?」(あれ? 忘れちゃった)
「の、その...」(右ななめ前の台本を見る)
「警備体制を...」(台本を見ながら)
「これからどう...」(ああ また忘れちゃったよ。台本 台本)
「強化していくか...」(台本を見ながら)
「もちろん...」(台本を見ながら)
「心配な気持ちはあります」(やっと記者を見て答える)
ヘタクソなCIA役者の猿芝居でした。
投稿 NipponReptilian | 2013-01-23 10:01